A news story from Israel gets Tom Palmer thinking (Aug. 28).
Posts Tagged ‘politics’
Milberg’s donations
Batch of reader letters
More reader correspondence appears on our letters page. Among topics this time: how to remove all the liability risks from a hotel shower; don’t blame all the woes of the litigation system on jury verdicts; after the Mississippi judicial bribery trial; and a rising political star in Connecticut.
Another Republican trial lawyer senatorial candidate?
Social conservative trial attorney Mark Lanier, late of the Ernst v. Merck Vioxx verdict, is contemplating a 2008 Texas Senate run, sez the New York Times. (Alex Berenson, “Vioxx Verdict Raises Profile of Texas Lawyer”, Aug. 22).
The Democrats’ complete sell-out to the litigation lobby in 2004 quite likely cost them the presidential election because of the unprecedented counter-reaction by the business lobby, and the Dems have shown no signs of ceasing their self-destructive path of obstructing tort reform in the 109th Congress. It doesn’t even look like the Party is even going to get a mess of pottage out of it, because the litigation lobby isn’t going to keep funding the Democrats almost exclusively if they can protect their billion-dollar special interests through trial-lawyer RINO Republican politicians. See also Aug. 21 and Aug. 18.
Update: Scarborough in the Senate?
Center for a Just Society
Walter’s entry on the Florida Senate race calls to mind that one of the ironies of the Democratic Party’s recent insistence on being the lapdog of the litigation lobby is that the latter has no special loyalty to the Democratic Party or anything that it stands for.
The most recent incarnation of this is the anti-abortion but pro-trial-lawyer Astroturf group “Center for a Just Society,” run by Ken Connor, that seeks to turn social conservatives into litigation lobby supporters by arguing that tort reform would threaten the ability of plaintiffs’ lawyers to sue RU-486 out of the market. (Connor comes from the same law firm as Jim Wilkes, who set up another Astroturf group that opposed nursing home liability reform in Florida, where liability had gotten so out of control that even the AARP supported efforts to limit ability of elders to sue nursing homes (Dec. 17, 2003).) Ramesh Ponnuru exposes the fallacies of this group’s reasoning in an article in this week’s National Review (sadly not available on line), which quotes me and mentions Walter. (Ramesh Ponnuru, “Social Injustice: Trial lawyers woo social conservatives”, National Review, Aug. 29).
Uh-oh: “Scarborough for Senate?”
Because for Florida Republican officials, sending one hotshot plaintiff’s lawyer with socially conservative views to the U.S. Senate apparently isn’t enough. (Lesley Conn, Pensacola News-Journal, Aug. 17) (more on Joe Scarborough: Sept. 15, 2003, Jan. 3, 2004)(more on incumbent Sen. Mel Martinez: Dec. 15, 2003, Sept. 3, 2004, PoL Jan. 12 and Jul. 7). Scarborough was the headliner for the Republican Trial Lawyers rally at last year’s ATLA convention (PDF); another headliner at the same convention was perennial bete noire of this site Robert F. Kennedy Jr., whose on-air chumminess with Scarborough, sometimes seen as an instance of mutual admiration across ideological lines, appears not quite so strange given that RFK Jr. has collaborated with Scarborough’s firm in the pursuit of big-ticket cases. Update Aug. 21: false alarm this time, though he’s pretty clearly expecting to run for something in future.
Mississippi latest: Diaz indicted on tax charges
Three days after a jury acquitted Mississippi supreme court justice Oliver Diaz Jr. of charges of taking bribes from prominent lawyer Paul Minor, U.S. District Court Judge Henry T. Wingate unsealed a tax evasion indictment against him which had been kept under wraps lest it prejudice jurors. Included are charges “of evading income taxes due for 2000 and 2001, when [Diaz and ex-wife Jennifer] received $155,000 in loans secured by personal injury attorneys Minor and Richard ‘Dickie’ Scruggs.” (Anita Lee, “Justice Diaz indicted on tax evasion charges”, Biloxi Sun-Herald, Aug. 15; “Diazes indicted”, Aug. 16). The Jackson Clarion-Ledger (Jerry Mitchell, “Diaz now faces tax evasion charges”, Aug. 16) notes that Diaz won’t be automatically removed from office even if convicted of the new charge:
Under state law, those convicted of the following crimes can remain in office -— manslaughter, tax violations, corruption, gambling or “dealing in futures with money coming to his hands by virtue of his office.”
On the other hand, it appears that a judicial watchdog tribunal would still have potential authority to remove Diaz if circumstances seem to warrant. (Geoff Pender, “Heads spinning at judicial watchdog agency”, BSH, Aug. 16; “New indictment makes Diaz’s reinstatement uncertain”, JCL, Aug. 16).
Myron Levin and the Los Angeles Times do it again
In part II of their series on behalf of the trial lawyers’ bar, the LA Times repeats a mistake from part I and then compounds the error by citing misleading statistics.
As you recall in Part I, the LA Times noted that there exist urban legends about litigation, and claimed that these urban legends have distorted the debate in favor of tort reform. (And, as Walter points out, gives unmerited credence to a nefarious allegation.) The first part is trivially true, but the only evidence cited in support of the conclusion is a second-hand tale of a credulous radio talk show listener who called in to repeat the Winnebago story. And why this radio talk show caller is proof of a distorted debate towards tort reform, while, say, big-budget movies like “Erin Brockovich,” “The Insider,” and “A Civil Action” that glamorize plaintiffs who had bad cases or the numerous newsmagazine segments that consist of nicely-produced twenty-minute videos for a plaintiff’s opening statement don’t distort the debate remains unclear, but the Times assumes that people support tort reform because of the urban legends rather than because of the true tales and statistics and despite Hollywood propaganda. (Indeed, the Times article itself is a prime example of the media distorting the debate in favor of plaintiffs’ attorneys, as it repeats the ATLA viewpoint supporting the McDonald’s coffee case while ignoring the numerous facts and arguments showing why that viewpoint is wrong (Aug. 13 and links therein.)
In Part II, we see a similar logical leap. There is a trivially true point: newspapers report what is, well, newsworthy, and thus big verdicts get reported and small verdicts or defense decisions or verdict reversals don’t get reported. The Times then goes on to conclude that this distorts the debate in favor of tort reform. Why? Why doesn’t it distort the debate in favor of plaintiffs by making outrageously large judgments seem commonplace, by persuading juries that there’s nothing wrong with awarding a billion dollars to get their names in the paper, by making corporations seem like wrongdoers because the defense verdicts get ignored? (Indeed, as Steven Hantler has noted, studies have shown that this bias might be why defendants don’t do more to publicize defense verdicts: the mere fact that a corporate defendant is sued implies wrongdoing to a majority of people.) The Times cites absolutely no evidence that people misperceive the tort reform debate in favor of tort reformers, or even that they misperceive the tort reform at all, much less because of these media decisions. But it feels free to assume this conclusion and report it.
The tort reform opponents (the only tort reform supporter quoted, Theodore Boutrous, is quoted for the fact that newspaper ignore defense verdicts) and the LA Times make hay over three statistics, but each is irrelevant.
First, the “number of lawsuits” filed in thirty-five states has declined four percent in ten years between 1993 and 2002. But so what? If a doctor says a patient is dangerously obese because he weighs 480 pounds, I don’t think she’ll be less concerned because the patient weighed 500 pounds ten years ago. More importantly, the number of “lawsuits” isn’t the relevant metric. In particular, the nature of a “lawsuit” has changed. Between 1993 and 2002, it became increasingly common for litigation to feature hundreds or thousands or millions of claims tied together in a single suit. Liability has expanded such that many states permit plaintiffs to recover without any showing of concrete injury. These are problems that aren’t a function of simple counting.
The second and third statistics are also irrelevant: the median jury verdict has allegedly decreased in the last ten years, and defendants win jury trials about 50% of the time. But so what? An anecdote in the LA Times and covered in Overlawyered demonstrates precisely why this is irrelevant: Ford won at least twelve straight jury verdicts over allegations that its SUV was defectively designed—but a San Diego jury awarded $367 million (Jun. 3, 2004). (Ironically, the LA Times repeats the mistake it is commenting on—it fails to report that this verdict was reduced to “only” $273 million and that Ford has appealed.) This is a huge verdict, with a substantial impact on the total verdict awards and the mean jury award (and there were several that were even higher in 2004), but it affects the median barely a jot. Juries went with the defense more than 90% of the time, the median decision was $0—but the mean plaintiff won over $20 million. Which statistic do you think Ford shareholders care about the most? Which statistic do you think the plaintiffs’ bar cares about the most? Hint: it’s the same statistic that the LA Times ignores, the statistic that shows that the cost of litigation has been steadfastly increasing (POL Jan. 10). When the plaintiffs’ bar engages in settlement negotiations with Ford next products liability lawsuit, they’re not going to be persuaded to lower their demands because the median verdict has dropped. (Myron Levin, “Coverage of Big Awards for Plaintiffs Helps Distort View of Legal System”, Los Angeles Times, Aug. 15).
Connecticut: a little favor for Koskoff, Koskoff and Bieder
The Bridgeport law firm of Koskoff, Koskoff and Bieder, which accounts for many of Connecticut’s high-profile settlements against doctors and other defendants, isn’t shy about throwing its political weight around in Hartford. Consider what happened after the firm got hit with a legal-malpractice suit from a former client, a widow who allegedly hadn’t been properly advised by attorney Rosalind Koskoff to file for workers’-comp benefits for her late husband, and was later ruled to have waited too long. As the widow’s malpractice suit against the law firm headed toward trial, two friends of the trial bar in the state senate, deputy majority leader Andrew McDonald and Sen. Edith Prague, tacked onto an unrelated bill an amendment which would have the state fork over the benefits the widow was suing for — not as a general rule, just in that one case — which would have the probable effect of knocking out the malpractice case by mootness. The bill became law, and the influential law firm can now presumably breathe a bit easier, glad it has cultivated so many friends in high political places. (Meir Rinde, “A Legislative Rat? The Koskoff Clause”, Hartford Advocate, Aug. 4).